No. 2 (1999-2000)
Compiled by the Music Library Staff
Mark Germer, Music Librarian; Lars Halle & Aaron Meicht, Circulation Supervisors
(To contact the editor see the end of this page.)
Included in this issue:
A Note on Music Imagined
Philadelphia's Musical Legacy (Part 1)
Philadelphia's Musical Legacy (Part 2)
The New Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart
A Note on Music Imagined
References are common to the sustained--often explicit--literary
inspiration that lies at the heart of numerous musical works in the
Western canon, from Berlioz's Harold en Italie to Britten's Metamorphoses.
Composers are assumed to have assimilated the texts they set in songs,
choruses, and operas, mining them for the opportunities they present
for musical expression and formal coherence. But there is an equally
diverse and extensive tradition of exploring musical themes, including
the very meaning of human music-making itself, in Western literature.
The musical components of the short stories of E.T.A. Hoffmann--praised
in his day as both a writer and a composer--are well appreciated, if
remembered now mainly thanks to the dramatization of three tales in a
comic opera by Offenbach. But the use of fiction as a peg on which to
hang meditations on style in art, the nature of creativity, or the role
of the artist in society reaches back at least to the philosophe Denis Diderot (in Le Neveu de Rameau, of ca. 1760) through the poet Eduard Mörike (Mozart auf der Reise nach Prag, 1855) to Romain Rolland's Jean-Christophe (a work of 1916 that won its author the Nobel Prize) and Franz Werfel's Verdi
(1924, rev. 1930)--the last of which has even been given partial credit
for the rebirth of interest in a hitherto neglected musical genius.
Perhaps the most infamous example of musical fiction is Thomas Mann's
imagining of a modernist composer's struggles in the late masterwork Doktor Faustus (1947), which earned for Mann something less than the gratitude of Schoenberg.
With these intersections in mind, the UA Music Library has begun a
modest effort to identify and acquire worthy literary works that
demonstrate the fascination with music on the part of contemporary
fiction writers, especially when they have interacted in some notable
way with the history of music. Among modern works with powerful
commentaries on matters musical are Thomas Bernhard's fictionalized
remembrances of Glenn Gould (The Loser, 1983); Michael Ondaatje's attempt to account for one of jazz's mysterious founders, Buddy Bolden (Coming Through Slaughter, 1976); and Herbert Simmons's evocation of a figure resembling Miles Davis (Man Walking on Eggshells, 1962). There are more to be (re)discovered. One new work, Vikram Seth's An Equal Music (1999) will even be issued in conjunction with a compact disc containing music that plays a role in the novel's plot!
--Mark Germer
Back to Contents
Philadelphia's Musical Legacy: Collections of Historic Interest in The University of Pennsylvania's Libraries (Part 1)
- Editor's note: The music librarian of the
University of Pennsylvania, Marjorie Hassen, has kindly allowed us to
reprint, in a shortened version, her fine introduction to some of
UPenn's archival holdings. This article, through its focus on primary
documents, provides much on the subject of Philadelphia's music history
that is not otherwise available. For the full version, with numerous
plates and facsimiles, see The Penn Library Collections at 250
(University of Pennsylvania, 2000) or the site with links to relevant
exhibits at www.library.upenn.edu/special/at250/music/music.html.
Pennsylvania's Quaker settlers had little interest in music; it was,
rather, William Penn's hospitality to other religious groups that
ensured the establishment of a musical life in the Colony. From its
early days, the most populous city, Philadelphia, sheltered a thriving
community of immigrant musicians, and over the course of the eighteenth
century, as musical performances extended from the church to the
concert hall, the city became one of the principal centers of music in
the New World.�
Public subscription concerts were presented in Philadelphia as early as
1757, organized chiefly through the efforts of a native son, Francis
Hopkinson. Hopkinson was a member of the first graduation class of what
was then the College of Philadelphia--later the University of
Pennsylvania. A lawyer by profession and a signer of the Declaration of
Independence, he was also an accomplished amateur harpsichordist,
organist, and composer. His Seven Songs for the Harpsichord or Forte Piano,
published in Philadelphia in 1788, includes a dedication to George
Washington, in which the composer asserts, "I cannot, I believe, be
refused the credit of being the first native of the United States who
has produced a musical composition." The Library's copy of this
publication was Hopkinson's own--a gift of the patriot's direct
descendent, Edward Hopkinson Jr.--and is part of a sixteen-volume
collection presented to the University between 1948 and 1950.�
The Hopkinson Collection, as it has come to be known, includes printed
and manuscript music amassed primarily by Francis (1737-1791), but also
by his grandson Oliver (1812-1905). At the heart of the collection are
three volumes of holograph music manuscripts, copied by Francis
Hopkinson for his own library: a songbook fragment containing sixteen
works primarily for voice and keyboard (dated 1755 in Hopkinson's
hand); forty-six works for keyboard (copied ca. 1763); and a volume of
115 Lessons
for keyboard (copied ca. 1764). It is unknown whether Hopkinson himself
was responsible for the many arrangements that are present in these
volumes, but it is clear, given the breadth of the collection, that he
was familiar with the forms and styles of European vocal and
instrumental music of his day. His transcriptions include popular dance
and march tunes as well as works by the leading English and Continental
composers of the eighteenth century, among them Karl Friedrich Abel,
Thomas Arne, Arcangelo Corelli, Francesco Geminiani, George Frideric
Handel, Johann Adolf Hasse, Domenico Scarlatti, John Stanley, and
Johann Stamitz.�
These manuscript volumes are supplemented by thirteen volumes of
printed music that preserve an extraordinary compilation of
contemporaneous American and European editions. Here too, nearly all
the important composers of the eighteenth century are represented.
Among the works that date from the elder Hopkinson's time are several
Handel oratorios, arranged for voice, harpsichord and violin (London,
1784), and the solo string parts of some fifty concerti grossi
of Domerico Alberti, Corelli, Geminiani, and Antonio Vivaldi (London,
ca. 1730), which were performed by Hopkinson and his friends at
concerts in Penn's College Hall during his student years.�
A "gentleman amateur" of high social standing, Hopkinson frequently
joined with immigrant European professionals in both private and public
music performances, a circumstance illustrative, in Richard Crawford's
words, of "the partipatory atmosphere of music-making in colonial
Philadelphia" (see the article on Hopkinson in The New Grove Dictionary of American Music
(1986), v. 2, p. 421). This atmosphere continued into the early years
of the nineteenth century and was the impetus behind the establishment,
in 1820, of the Musical Fund Society of Philadelphia by a group of
professional and amateur musicains--still held today to be the oldest
American music benevolent society in continuous existence.�
The musical climate in Philadelphia at the time of the Society's
founding was engagingly described by the organization's first
Secretary, the attorney and amateur musician, John K. Kane. Looking
back from the midpoint of the century, he remembered:
- The state of music in those days, and musical
taste!--Hupfeldt used to give his "Annual Concert," the crack musical
phenomenon of the year, at which he annually played his Concerto by
Kreutzer, while the ladies chatted and laughed in ancient tea-party
fashion, and gentlemen stood upon the benches with their hats on, or
walked round the room to exchange compliments and retail the last joke.
Yet we had our Quartette party, - three violins, all professional
except Dr. La Roche, - a tenor or two, - and a couple of basses; ...
and we used to meet round at each others' houses of a Saturday night,
fifteen or eighteen of us, to hear Haydn, Mozart, Boccherini, sometimes
to boggle over Beethoven, and then to eat crackers and cheese, and
drink porter or homoeopathic doses of sloppy hot punch. We were a
delightful little club, the elite of the time, and the veritable germ
of the Musical Fund.
(From The Autobiography of the Honorable John K. Kane, 1795-1858 [Philadelphia 1949], entry for 20 Jan. 1849)
The Society developed out of these "quartette parties," adopting as its
objectives "the relief of decayed musicians and their families, and the
cultivation of skill and diffusion of taste in music." And while its
formal documents indicate that benevolent work was foremost in the
minds of the Society's founders, the level of musical activity within
the organization throughout the first half of the nineteenth century
suggests that its focus was in large measure the promotion of concerts.�
The significant role played by the Musical Fund Society in the growth
of musical performance in Philadelphia, particularly over the course of
the nineteenth century, is documented in its archives. Donated to the
Library in 1991, this material offers unique insight into
Philadelphia's cultural milieu and includes minute books, engagement
books, concert programs, and papers from the Society's 1820 founding
through the present. Also preserved is an extensive collection of
manuscript and published music, dating primarily from the late
eighteenth century to the late nineteenth, much of it used for
performance in Society concerts.�
Maintained originally by the Society in its offices, the music
collections were placed on deposit in the Free Library of Philadelphia
in 1936, although ownership remained with the Society. The minute
books, papers, and other historic documents were divided between the
Society's offices in Philadelphia and a bank vault until 1952, when the
Society vacated its offices. At that time some of this material was
deposited with the Historical Society of Pennsylvania. In 1986 the
items held in the Society's bank vault were relocated to the Free
Library of Philadelphia and, in 1991, the complete collection
(excluding the materials held by the Historical Society) was donated by
the Society to the University of Pennsylvania Library.�
The documents that comprise what is known as the Records of the Musical
Fund Society provide unique details about nineteenth-century
Philadelphia's musical life and its active participants. The tenets of
the Musical Fund's founding members, who viewed the organization as a
framework within which Philadelphia's musical elite could "reform the
state of neglect into which the beautiful art of music had fallen"
(from the report of 1831), became, in turn, the Society's formal
objectives. The most celebrated member of this group of "musical elite"
was arguably the composer, organist, and music publisher Benjamin Carr,
whose description of 1820 Philadelphia as "very barren of any thing
like public spirit as it relates to music" (from a letter in the John
Rowe Parker correspondence in the Rare Book & Manuscript Library),
goes hand in hand with John Kane's comments, noted above. Among the
other founders of the Society were the composer, 'cellist, and music
teacher George Schetky who, with Carr, edited the Musical Journal for the Piano Forte,
the first major American music publication in magazine form; the
composer, organist, conductor, and singer, Benjamin Cross, who was a
graduate of the University of Pennsylvania and a student of Benjamin
Carr, and who later (in1841) conducted the first American performance
of Mozart's The Magic Flute; and Thomas Loud, of the piano
manufacturing firm Loud and Brothers, which was among the most prolific
in America, producing close to 600 pianos annually.�
Members were classified, upon acceptance into the Society, as either
"professional" or "amateur," with the former category entitled to
"relief" benefits in the manner of a monthly allowance when "disabled
by age, sickness, or any other infirmity from attending to business."
Not until 1939 was the "professional" category of membership abolished,
when the Society turned its attention exclusively to the goal of
"promoting a sound and critical musical taste in the community."�
Engaged in an extraordinary level of musical activity throughout the
first half of the nineteenth century, the Society gave eighty-six
"regular" concerts, as well as a number of special performances,
between 1821 and 1857, with professional members serving as the
foundation of the Society's Orchestra and Chorus. Often elaborate
affairs requiring large forces of instrumentalists and singers, the
programs usually combined works of the leading European composers of
the day with those of local composers. Much of this music was new to
American audiences and the Society's concert programs boasted a number
of Philadelphia or United States premieres of works by, among others,
Beethoven, Rossini, Mozart, and the Philadelphia composer Henry Fry,
whose 1845 opera Leonora--considered to be the first grand opera by a North American composer--was premiered under the auspices of the Musical Fund.�
To support its performance activities, the Society began almost
immediately to build a music library. The minutes of the May 1820
meeting of the Directors, in fact--just three months after the Society
was established--includes a resolution to create a committee to
"procure such music as they consider necessary for the use of the
Society" (from Minutes of the Directors for May 1820). From this date
through the middle of the century, a substantial sum would be spent for
printed music, as well as for hand-copying music that was unavailable
for purchase. Great quantities of orchestral and chamber music were
imported from the firm C.F. Peters in Leipzig and, when only a score
was available, individual instrumental parts were hand-copied. On other
occasions a score would be made from the purchased printed parts. The
society also made copies of performance materials borrowed from such
organizations as the Handel and Haydn Society of New York and the
Morovian Brethren in Bethlehem. The result is a collection rich in
first and early published editions of music as well as in
contemporaneous manuscript copies that document the performance history
of the Society.�
Also counted among the Society's holdings are two distinct sheet music
collections acquired in the 1930s: the Edward I. Keffer Collection of
American sheet music and the Newland-Zeuner Collection. Edward
Iungerich Keffer (1861-1933), Vice president of the Society from 1927
until his death, graduated from the University of Pennsylvania School
of Dental Medicine in 1883. For fifty years he was one of
Philadelphia's most devoted music patrons, taking a leading role in the
formation of the Philadelphia Orchestra. As an accomplished amateur
violinist, Keffer served as concertmaster of the Philadelphia Symphony
Society from 1893 to 1900, and during the years following the turn of
the century, he hosted weekly chamber concerts in which the city's most
highly-regarded musicians participated.�
Donated to the Musical Fund Society during his lifetime, the Keffer
Collection consists of close to 2,500 items bearing publication dates
that range from the 1790s through the late nineteenth century.
Approximately half of the titles were printed in Philadelphia by such
publishers as John Aitken, G.E. Blake, Benjamin Carr, George Willig,
and Lee and Walker. Included among them, as might be expected, are many
works composed by Musical Fund Society members. The collection's
importance, however, reaches well beyond the boundaries of Philadelphia
in its representation of one hundred years of the music publishing
trade.�
Purchased by the Musical Fund Society in 1931 from the antiquarian book
dealer Charles T. Nagy, the Newland-Zeuner Collection contains
manuscript and printed music dating from 1784 through 1875, of both
American and European origin. The collection was acquired by Nagy from
the estate of William Augustine Newland (1813-1901), an English-born
Philadelphia musician, who was at once an organist, conductor,
composer, teacher, and publisher. A portion of Newland's music library
came from Heinrich Christoph (Charles) Zeuner (1795-1857), a
German-born organist and composer who settled first in Boston before
moving to Philadelphia in 1839. While the major portion of the original
collection was sold to the Library of Congress in 1930, a smaller group
of materials--numbering approximately 1,200 items and similar in nature
to the Keffer Collection--remained in the possession of Nagy. At the
urging of several members, including Edward I. Keffer, the Musical Fund
Society acquired these materials to assure their preservation in
Philadelphia.�
Of particular significance for the Society, both financially as well as
artistically, was the construction, in 1824, of Musical Fund Hall. It
was designed by the eminent architect and founding member of the
Society, William Strickland. The hall was built on Locust street
between Eighth and Ninth Streets and served not only as a concert hall
for the Society's performances but, owing to its extraordinary
acoustics, was also the favored Philadelphia venue for major touring
artists of the day. The programs and engagements books for Musical Fund
Hall record appearances by the singers Maria Malibran, Adelina Patti,
Henrietta Sontag, and Jenny Lind; the violinists Ole Bull and Henrik
Vieuxtemps; and the pianists Louis Moreau Gottschalk and Sigismond
Thalberg. Its large seating capacity was also well suited to political
meetings and lectures, and the Hall was host to the Pennsylvania
Constitutional Convention (1837), the first convention of the National
Republican Party (1856), and to such distinguished speakers as William
Makepeace Thackeray, Horace Mann, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Horace Greely,
and Henry Ward Beecher.�
In 1857, with the opening of the Academy of Music, the Hall's use as a
performance venue decreased markedly, as did the activities of the
Society. In 1918, when it was clear that income from the Hall was no
longer sufficient to support its maintenance, the Society embarked on
what was to be the lengthy process of selling the building. It was not
until 1982, however, when the Hall was renovated for condominiums that
its fate was sealed, with only the facade remaining to serve as a
reminder of the building's rich and varied cultural history.�
At the end of the nineteenth century the activities of the Musical Fund
revived, but now its mission focused on the sponsorship of concerts,
educational programs, and competitions. Among its endeavors were the
creation of a Choral School (1885), the sponsorship of the Germania
Orchestra concerts (1895-1899), and the support of the newly-formed
Philadelphia Orchestra (1900). The Society's first competition, named
for the attorney, composer, and Musical Fund member Edward Garrett
McCollin, was announced in 1925 with the aim of encouraging the
composition of new chamber music works (to date, seven McCollin
competitions have been held). The first prize was awarded jointly to
the Italian composer Alfredo Casella (for his Serenata)
and Béla Bartók (for his Third String Quartet). Following the December
30, 1928 American premiere of the works at the Bellevue-Stratford
Hotel, the original performance materials remained in the possession of
the Society, a stipulation of the competition rules.
In 1990, before discussions concerning transfer of the Musical Fund
Society's Archives to the University of Pennsylvania were initiated,
the Society made the decision to sell the Bartók performance material
and to use the proceeds of the sale, which they anticipated would be
substantial, to support their current activities. This manuscript
material, which includes an autograph score of the quartet, a second
manuscript score partially in the hand of the composer, and a set of
parts, was purchased for the Library by Margaret Ormandy, who had three
years previously proven to be a generous benefactress through her
donation of the papers and music collection of her late husband, Eugene
Ormandy. One of very few major works by Bartok not in private hands,
this set holds particular value as the composer's working manuscript.
Each of the three components incorporates changes, additions, and
corrections to the music, including several overpasted pages.
Philadelphia's Musical Legacy: Collections of Historic Interest in The University of Pennsylvania's Libraries (Part 2)
- by Marjorie Hassen
Editor's note: Here follows the second half of an article,
reprinted with permission, by the music librarian of the University of
Pennsylvania, Marjorie Hassen, about some of UPenn's music archival
holdings. This article, through its focus on primary documents,
provides much on the subject of Philadelphia's music history that is
not otherwise available. For the full version, with numerous plates and
facsimiles, see The Penn Library Collections at 250 (University
of Pennsylvania, 2000) as well as the site with links to relevant
exhibits at www.library.upenn.edu/special/at250/music/music.html.
Together the documents and music collections that comprise the Musical
Fund Society Records provide a wealth of detail, relating not only to
the operation of the organization itself, but also to musical taste and
orchestral performance practice in nineteenth-century Philadelphia.
Over the course of the next century, the Philadelphia Orchestra would
be--and continues to be--the focal point of concert activity in the
city. The Library's collections of music and personal papers of the two
long-term conductors of that ensemble, Leopold Stokowski and Eugene
Ormandy, document that musical activity, and they offer insight into
orchestral performance pratice and the prevailing musical tastes of
twentieth-century Philadelphians.�
Eugene Ormandy (1899-1985) served as Music Director of the Philadelphia
Orchestra, from 1938 until his retirement in 1980, when he was
appointed Conductor Laureate. After his death, the conductor's widow,
Margaret Ormandy donated to the Library the Maestro's scores,
professional papers, letters, photographs, recordings, and memorabilia.
At the same time the Philadelphia Orchestra and Philadelphia radio
station WFLN jointly contributed the complete set of Philadelphia
Orchestra concert tapes, broadcast from 1960 to 1981 on WFLN.�
Preceding Ormandy on the Philadelphia podium was Leopold Stokowski
(1882-1977), who arrived in the city in 1912 and remained until 1941,
overlapping Ormandy's tenure for several years. He maintained a
remarkably active career following his departure from Philadelphia,
conducting and recording on both sides of the Atlantic until just
before his death in England in 1977. Soon after, his music collection
and surviving professional papers were placed at the Curtis Institute
of Music in Philadelphia by Stokowski's heirs. In 1995, the Curtis
Institute approached the University of Pennsylvania Library about
relocating the materials to Penn for the purposes of preservation. A
formal transfer was executed in July 1997.�
The history of the Philadelphia Orchestra is naturally entwined with
its principal resident conductors. The successive tenures of Stokowski
and Ormandy extended over a 68-year period, from 1912-1980, covering
more than two thirds of the Orchestra's one hundred-year existence.
With Stokowski's 1912 debut, the Philadelphia Orchestra crossed over
the threshold into its first era of national significance with a
conductor whose distinctive musical talent and flair for the theatrical
were contrasted with his German predecessors, Fritz Scheel and Carl
Pohlig. Trained as an organist and choir director, Stokowski came to
the United States from his native England in 1905 to serve as organist
at New York's St. Bartholomew's Church. His ambitious nature soon led
him away from organ loft to the conductor's podium and after three
seasons in New York, followed by a brief stay in Europe where he
pursued his conducting interests, he was engaged in 1909 to conduct the
Cincinnati Symphony. His extremely successful revival of that
orchestra, which had been resurrected after a two-season hiatus,
brought him to the forefront when the Philadelphia Orchestra was
searching for a new conductor in 1912.�
One of the most influential conductors of his generation, Stokowski was
at the same time one of the most controversial. His progressive views,
his flamboyant presence on the concert stage, and his innovative
approach to music-making provoked both the epithets "genius" and
"charlatan." His interest in sound reproduction and transmission
resulted in pioneering recordings utilizing the latest technological
developments, and in his pursuit of the perfect balance and blends of
color in the concert hall, he often experimented with the placement of
players' seating by moving sections of the orchestra to different parts
of the stage. Himself an advocate of everything new, Stokowski
attempted with almost messianic fervor to bring Philadelphians the most
challenging and experimantal orchestral works of his day. His devotion
to the "music of our time," in fact, led him consistently to program
contemporary compositions alongside more canonical fare throughout his
career, despite occasional public protestations.�
It was Stokowski's broad interests in technology and his desire to
bring music of the "masters" to the greatest number of people that led
him to Hollywood and his eventual collaboration with Walt Disney on Fantasia.
In the end, it drew him away from Philadelphia. Stokowski's gradual
departure, however, set in motion the ascent to the podium of Eugene
Ormandy, and a new era for the Orchestra.�
Ormandy was a child prodigy who began his musical career as a violinist
in his native Hungary. Following a series of performance in France and
austria in 1921, a promised United States tour of 300 concerts for
$30,000 enticed him to New York in December of that year. The expected
contract did not materialize, however, leaving the twenty-two-year-old
violinist marooned and penniless. He found work as a member of New York
City's Capitol Theater movie palace orchestra and was assigned a seat
at the back of the section, advancing to the concertmaster chair within
one week. He made his conducting debut at the Capitol in September
1924, when the orchestra's conductor fell ill, and two years later was
appointed associate director. Under the guidance of the influential
manager Arthur Judson, Ormandy began to expand his conducting
activities, working with radio orchestras and conducting summer
concerts with the Philharmonic Symphony at New York's Lewisohn Stadium
and the Philadelphia Orchestra at Fairmont Park's Robin Hood Dell,
where he was well-received.�
The turning point in Ormandy's career came in october 1931 when illness
prevented Arturo Toscanini from fulfilling his guest-conducting
commitment in Phladelphia. Ormandy was approached after several
established conductors, who did not want to risk their careers by
substituting for the revered Maestro, refused the engagement. The
concerts were a huge success, and word of Ormandy's triumph quickly
traveled across the country, catching the attention of the Minneapolis
Symphony Orchestra, whose conductor Henri Verbrugghen had suffered a
stroke. At the end of his week-long Philadelphia engagement Ormandy
left for Minneapolis and what would be a five-year commitment. As
Stokowski had done in Cincinnati at the outset of his career, Ormandy
revitalized the Minneapolis Orchestra, vastly improving the quality of
its playing and expanding its repertory. He was also largely
responsible for arranging its 1934 recording contract with RCA Victor,
the results of which propelled Minneapolis from a provincial ensemble
to international standing and elevated Ormandy to national prominence.�
Ormandy had first appeared as guest conductor in Philadelphia beginning
in 1932, but after Stokowski's 1934 announcement that he would conduct
only half of each future concert season, Ormandy participated in the
steady stream of guest conductors during the following two years. Then,
in the spring of 1936, he was formally appointed co-conductor of the
Philadelphia Orchestra. For the next five concert seasons Ormandy and
Stokowski shared the Philadelphia podium while maintaining a cordial,
if distance, relationship. In 1938 Ormandy advanced one step closer to
sole proprietorship of the Orchestra when the Board name him Music
Director, but it was not until 1941 when Stokowski finally severed his
ties to Philadelphia that the "Ormandy era" officially began.�
Diminutive in stature, energetic yet graceful on the podium, Ormandy
was known for his infallible ear and prodigious memory. He rarely
conducted with a score and was widely recognized as an unsurpassed
accompanist to the many soloists with whom he and the Philadelphia
Orchestra performed. His training as a violinist governed much of his
conducting technique, such that the richness of tone that he drew from
the Orchestra was so distinctive it became known as the "Ormandy" or
"Philadelphia" sound. Particularly noteworthy under Ormandy's
leadership was the extensive program of touring and recording
undertaken by the Orchestra, which served to establish its
international reputation.�
The Stokowski and Ormandy collection at Penn document a significant
period in the performance history of the Philadelphia Orchestra. The
Library's collections preserve over 1,100 scores and sets of parts from
the tenure of Eugene Ormandy and more than 900 from that of Leopold
Stokowski. These record the performance markings of each conductor,
which include--aside from the more typical tempo and dynamic
indications--the addition of instruments to the orchestration, doubling
of one instrumental part by another, cuts, and reconceptions of
rhythmic or melodic elements. It was not unusual for conductors of this
generation to alter (or "interpret") a composer's work in such ways for
a performance or recording--in the case of living composers, with or
without their knowledge or consent--and the scores of both Stokowski
and Ormandy are prominent documents of the practice.�
Stokowski is perhaps best known for his orchestral arrangements, which
include works written for other media, "symphonic syntheses" of
operatic literature, and reorchestrations of existing instrumental
works. The practice may best be considered in the context of the
modernist interest in music of the past and of similar works of
reclamation by Ottorino Respighi, Igor Stravinsky, and Arnold
Schoenberg. Stokowski's reworkings of J.S. Bach keyboard compositions
are the most commonly encountered examples, yet they represent but a
fraction of the total number, which ranges from Jean-Philippe Rameau to
John Philip Sousa. Close to 200 of these survive in the collection,
dating from ca. 1915 to the 1960s, the majority only in manuscript.
Ormandy, too, practiced the "art of transcription," though in smaller
numbers and on a much smaller scale, concentrating primarily on the
works of Bach and Handel. The process he followed in creating his
thirty-four surviving transcriptions is well-documented in the Archive,
which includes scores of works in their original form bearing Ormandy's
markings, as well as his completed arrangements, often in multiple
versions.
While both of the original collections have been supplemented by
individual gifts of letters, recordings, and photographs, particularly
significant are the oral history collections devoted to the two
conductors. The Eugene Ormandy Oral History Project was conducted from
1988-1997 by the University of Pennsylvania Library with funds
contributed by the Presser Foundation. Interviews were recorded with
ninety-one of the conductor's associates, including Philadelphia
Orchestra musicians and administration, soloists, composers, recording
engineers, concert managers, close friends, and family. The Stokowski
oral history materials came to the collection as part of the Oliver
Daniel research files. Gathered by Daniel, Stokowski's principal
biographer, during the writing of his book, Stokowski: A Counterpoint of View
(1982), the files were subsequently donated to the Stokowski collection
while it resided at the Curtis Institute. The clippings,
correspondence, programs, financial data, and photographs are
highlighted by 575 interviews conducted or collected by Daniel that
include the recollections of relatives, friends, composers, conductors,
performers, agents, and critics. Not simply general conversations,
these interviews are often focused discussions of specific events or
issues, resulting in a wealth of detailed information about the two
conductors. An interview with the dancer Martha Graham, for example,
reveals the numerous obstacles encountered in bringing to the stage the
1930 American premiere of Stravinsky's Le sacre du printemps, which
Stokowski conducted at the Academy of Music. The former Philadelphia
Orchestra Associate Conductor William Smith sheds light on Ormandy's
conducting technique and the challenges it presented for Orchestra
members, and various composers describe their experiences while
preparing new works for performance. The intersection of the two
conductors and their individual influence on the development of the
Orchestra is, in fact, particularly clear from the oral history
interviews, which include conversations with a number of Philadelphia
Orchestra members who played under both maestros.
This extensive chronicle, documenting six decades of the Philadelphia
Orchestra and its conductors, is mirrored and extended in another of
the Library's major holdings, the Marian Anderson Papers and related
music collections. The Penn Library is the principal repository for
material related to the life and career of the Philadelphia-born
contralto who gained international recognition not only for her supreme
vocal talent but also for her commitment to social issues. Anderson
herself made the original gift to the Library in 1977, followed by two
additional donations in 1987 and 1991. The final group of materials was
presented after her death in 1993 by her nephew, the conductor James De
Preist. The collection documents Anderson's extraordinary career and
includes correspondence, professional papers, recital programs,
clippings, scrapbooks, over 4,400 photographs, awards, recordings, and
an extensive collection of music.
Born in 1897, Marian Anderson grew up in South Philadelphia in a
close-knit community whose financial support made it possible for her
to take voice lessons beginning around 1915. Her earliest performing
experience was as a six-year-old member of the junior choir at Union
Baptist Church and as her voice matured, she was invited to participate
in special concerts. By her twentieth birthday she had begun to tour
professionally, and in 1924 she made her New York debut in a Town Hall
recital. While this appearance was not particularly well-received, she
triumphed the following year, taking first prize in a vocal competition
against more than 300 other singers. The prize, a performance with the
New York Philharmonic in Lewishohn Stadium, gained her overwhelmingly
positive reviews and national exposure.
Anderson traveled to Europe on several occasions, beginning in 1927, to
further her study of both languages and repertory, and was invited to
tour Sweden and Norway in 1931. Her return to Scandinavia two years
later occasioned a meeting with the Finnish composer Jean Sibelius, for
whom she sang. Sibelius was so affected by Anderson's voice that he
later composed a song for her. The work, "Solitude," remains
unpublished and is preserved only in manuscript as part of the Anderson
collections.
Under the personal guidance of the celebrated concert manager Sol
Hurok, with whom she became associated in 1934, Anderson's concert
appearances in the United States and Europe increased, and she
maintained a grueling schedule throughout much of her career. Despite
her growing reputation as an artist, however, she did not escape the
indignities of racial discrimination in her country. The most famous
example occurred in 1939 when she was barred from singing in
Constitution Hall by its owners, the Daughters of the American
Revolution, an action that precipitated her now legendary Easter Sunday
performance at the Lincoln Memorial. Some years later, in 1955, she was
once again thrust into the limelight as the first African-American to
be cast at the Metropolitan Opera. Singing the role of Ulrica in
Giuseppe Verdi's Un ballo in maschera,
Anderson made her operatic debut just before her 58th birthday and,
though her performance met with critical acclaim, her vocal
accomplishments were somewhat overshadowed in the press by the historic
importance of the event.
The Marian Anderson papers reflect the remarkable breadth of the
singer's career, which spanned almost fifty years, as well as the
active public service role she played throughout her life. More than
6,000 individual correspondents are represented in the collection,
including family members, to whom she wrote while on tour, composers,
conductors, performers, and many other prominent figures and
organizations with ties to humanitarian, educational, religious, and
arts causes in which she was interested. Anderson's extensive vocal
repertory is documented in the collection of concert programs and
music, a testimony to her wide-ranging musical interests. During her
career Anderson acquired over 2,000 music manuscripts and close to
3,000 pieces of printed sheet music of art songs, opera and oratorio
excerpts, international folk music, and spirituals. Often the
manuscripts were submitted to Anderson with letters from the composers
or lyricists, many of whom were women. Of particular interest are the
works of Florence Price (1888-1953), the first African-American woman
to gain widespread recognition as a symphonic composer with the 1933
performance of her E-minor Symphony by the Chicago Symphony orchestra.
She is perhaps best known, however, for her songs and spiritual
arrangements, some of which she composed specifically for Anderson.
The contralto's vast collection of spirituals in both published and
manuscript form testifies to the central role they played in her
development as a concert artist. All of the major names of the day are
represented including Price, Nathaniel Dett, Hall Johnson--a 1910
graduate of the University of Pennsylvania--Roland Hayes, Hamilton
Forrest, and Harry T. Burleigh, a close friend of Anderson's since her
teenage years. Anderson's printed music collections also include
hundreds of folk songs, most of which she collected during her European
tours, and multiple editions of standard vocal repertory. Found here
are the songs of Brahms, Schubert, Sibelius, and Richard Strauss, and
opera and oratorio excerpts of Bach, Handel, Mendelssohn, Mozart,
Alessandro Scarlatti, and Verdi.
The Anderson collections include, in addition to commercial recordings,
over 150 hours of private recordings, arguably the most extraordinary
part of her legacy. Among the tapes and discs are interviews,
performances of complete works for voice and piano, vocal coaching
sessions, rehearsals--notably a session in which Hall Johnson coaches
Anderson on her interpretation of his arrangement of the spiritual
"Lord, how come me here"--and solo and accompanied vocal exerises,
chiefly recorded in Anderson's home studio in Danbury, Connecticut. The
numerous hours of practice sessions that are preserved here provide an
intimate portrait of the singer, at the same time documenting the
technical means she employed in her practice. Of related interest are
the more than 100 test pressings Anderson recorded in New York (for
RCA) and Paris (for La voix de son maitre) between 1935 and 1966. These
recordings of art songs, opera excerpts, and spirituals were rejected
for release by either the recording company or Anderson, and were never
issued commercially, yet they are an integral part of the contralto's
remarkable performance history, a history that the University Library
has endeavored to preserve.
Viewed together, the Library's music-related collections travel
considerable distance toward an extensive documentation of
Philadelphia's musical past. The papers of the Musical Fund Society,
the nineteenth-century manuscript and printed music collections, and
the constellation of materials associated with Stokowski, Ormandy, and
Anderson bequests, testify to the rich history of cultivated
music-making in the city's two-and-a-half centuries.�
The New Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart: First Impressions
-
- by Mark Germer
Editor's note: This essay, commissioned by the Music Library Association, is reprinted by permission of the publisher.
"Eine Enzyklopaedie wird nicht fur den Augenblick adgefasst," wrote Friedrich Blume in 1951 (1), taking a tone at once lofty and pragmatic: such an enterprise, best conceived as a potentiality, can come to a halt but not to completion. And so the unfinished-finished product may realistically be judged according to what it accomplishes, but not by what it neglects (thus far) to take into account. There must remain something, he continued elsewhere in a much remembered quip, for our grandchildren to do (2). Those who have taken cognizance of that monumental edifice known as MGG (3)--have tended to echo this view, and it is indeed difficult to imagine how one's frustrations with this somehow amorphous sextadecalogue could not ultimately be salved by gratitude for the wealth it does bestow. Blume was only too conscious of the work's imbalances (4). But even the slightest appreciation of the improbable odds under which the small editorial staff worked, in the first decades after the near-annihilation of European learning, engenders something more than mere admiration. In short, no undertaking of this ambition should be allowed to dissapear into a cloud of self-deprecation, for, as Ludwig Finscher now reminds us, the old MGG played, even as it evolved, nothing less than a formative role in shaping the humanistic and sociological disciplines of music study as they are conceived and taught today (5).
This, at least initially, was the MGG of the most influential generation after that of the founding fathers-the MGG of Friedrich Gennrich and Jacques Handschin, of Heinrich Hueschen and Heinrich Besseler, of Otto Gombosi and Paul Nettl, of Henry George Farmer and Thurston Dart, of Federico Ghisi, Higini Angles, and Charles van den Borren (a men's club, mainly, were it not for Naenie Bridgman and Anna Amalie Abert). A great many younger post-War scholars, of course, helped to fill the fourteen principal volumes issued by the end of the 1960s, their multilingual and trans-Atlantic exchanges contributing perhaps almost as much as ubiquitous conference rituals to the very creation of an international discourse on musicology. Encyclopedia editorship, however, requires efforts more herculean than the convening of congresses, for the random elements--the interests and abilities of willing contributors--must be aligned or discounted in favor of an internally consistent whole; Blume's achievement was a first distillation of a rapidly accelerating conference, held over the course of an entire generation, into an ordered representation of the field.
Blume doubted, at least for a time, that anything like the old MGG would ever be attempted again, since the dawning age of splintering specialization would render the grand synthesis impracticable, if not simply quaint and obsolete. Perhaps it was he who unwittingly commenced the intonation so often heard now that sweeping histories unified by a single vision will soon no longer satisfy our agile sensibilities. I recall the clever talk that greeted Gerald Abraham's one-volume survey in 1979 as no doubt the last masterful overview from the era of omnivorous all-rounders (6), and indeed few readers will have missed noticing that collections of essays of various authorship do seem to have gained a certain ascendency.
Yet even if we disregard trade or study texts (7), there would be little point in denying the appeal of published generalists, especially if they are provocative--it would be difficult to avoid mention of Carl Dahlhaus as an example--including a few atavistic ventures that keep something called the "Abendland" from its penumbral rest (8). (There is no "Abendland" in the new MGG, interestingly enough, presumably in recognition of the awkwardness of the term, even though the alleged dichotomy between Eastern fantasy and Western rationality has played a role in the historiography of European music from Charlemagne to Stockhausen.) There have sounded funeral tocsins for life-and-works biographies of the monumetal sort, too; a few years ago I was told by a most prominent scholar that collections of essays on specific analytico-biographical problems would take their place. Trouble is, someone forgot to tell Maynard Solomon (9).
Finscher is well-advised, then, to point out that the need for synthesis in this age of specialization appears not less but perhaps greater than ever, and that MGG has proven, through its reliance and emphasis on the Austro-German musicological tradition, an exceptionally successful venue for historical--and historicizing--summary (10). One does not turn to MGG for definitions of terms or explications of concepts, unless those terms or concepts happen perforce to be the pegs on which a theoretical, codificatory, or aesthetic disquisition must be hung. Rather, here are found the central themes and ideologies at the core of the field, nobly embraced on the widest possible franchise, if arrayed also to capture and reflect the radiance of a titled elite (the parallel to Baroque imperialism seems inescapable: these volumes celebrate the reach and rapacity of musicology's expanding realm).
Above all one finds charted throughout MGG the philological and style-critical underpinnings of Continental humanistic scholarship, especially such socio-aesthetic constructions as "Epochengliederung" that Blume himself took responsibility for assaying in his (dare one say, epoch-making) articles on "Renaissance," "Barock," "Klassik," and "Romantik." For tracing the phylogeny of "Gattungen" there may well be no better place to go. And those who fretted that the New Grove Dictionary had failed to deliver on the very idea of music itself may now anchor some optimism in the strengths of German intellectual convention (11).
But the new MGG, so far as one can tell (12), will offer its synthesis with less grandeur. Silke Leopold's sober handling of the term "Barock," ten pages to Blume's thirty-one, leaves the notion of advancing new conceptualizations behind, and so--and here I do not know whether to say mirabile dictu or horresco referens--actually reads like an encyclopedia entry; its utility lies not in its (solid) scholarship but in its rhetorical presentation, that is, in its clarity, its restraint, and its sense of proportion. Indeed the temptation is to wonder whether the ultimate gift of the new MGG will be its adherence to simple standards of tautness and intelligibility. It is too early to say, but the departure proves noticeable as well in the physical layout of pages and paragraphs: gone are the strange interruptions of diminutive and variously-spaced type that made certain pages of the old MGG sheer torture. The ascetic charm of those old tomes was that, lavish in size and appearance (they even felt substantive), they conceded nothing to ease of use: "Scholarship is hard," one was supposed to say, squinting. The new MGG, by contrast, itself no tribute to the bookmaker's art (13), nonetheless advertises the modern virtue of approachability.
Altogether less monumentality, then, but it would not be fair to say less generosity. The thirty columns dedicated to "Augsburg" lack the several facsimiles and plates of the old article but contain nearly twice the amount of text; the ten columns in the old MGG devoted to Hans Hickmann's "Afrikanische Musik," supplemented with six line-drawings seem a bit pallid next to Gerhard Kubik and Arthur Simon's "Afrika suedlich der Sahara," with 145 columns, two maps, 69 black-and-white and seven color plates, and approximately two dozen music examples or notational illustrations. The comparison is unfair, of course (as a glance at the post-1950 bibliography demonstrates), but no less striking for that.
Equally impressive--and illustrative of German musicology's broad compas--are the essays for which no counterparts existed in the old MGG, and so will inevitably serve to mark the distance traveled in forty years: "Altamerika," "Amerika" (meaning Latin America and the Caribbean), "Afroamerikanische Musik" (meaning that of the entire hemisphere), "Altslawische Musik," "Biblische Musikinstrumente," "Blues." For me the presence of these articles seems as salient a characteristic of the new MGG as the fact that all subject entries will be divorced, Riemann-like, from people and institutions (14). Nor am I dismayed by the German bias (15): article assignments ("Banjo") based chiefly on reputation within the German orbit; near-exclusive concentration on the Germanic components of multi-ethnic traditions ("Baenkel-sang"); disproportionate reliance on German-language bibliography ("Blues")--for it is ironically this very asymmetry that, in the end, provides balance to the critical reference literature, taken as a whole. I look forward to the prospect of an article on jazz whose bibliographical slant I may not be exposed to otherwise.
More than that, the idiosyncracies of coverage and coordination in any such feat of synthesis, in my view, are to be relished rather than lamented. For good or ill, they constitute the historiography of the field as much as any other feature, and we should be loath in most circumstances to preordain or proscribe them. In any case it seems unclear what purpose would be served (other than pedantry) by pointing out peculiarities of omission or commission unless they conflict with the ultimate objectives of the whole. Many readers will judge the entry on "Autograph" to be slight--though in fairness they should wait for the article on "Editionstechnik" in order to see how well the two work together--but the argument cannot be sustained that the subject's treatment is ill-conceived or wrong-headed.
Similarly, some may wonder, while not necessarily bemoaning the choice, why the articles on "Argentinien" and "Australien" have separate subentries on rock music but not, say, on the local jazz traditions of these countries; others will simply find the discussions of national popular musics superficial (16). Yet at times there is present, I believe, an undertow that flows against the editorial intent, and it does have to do with encyclopedic comprehensiveness. It is most easily felt in the articles devoted to modern nation states or ethnic groups wherein persist the vague (but still not wholly vapid) dichotomies between "Kunstmusik" and everything else. Would that MGG had brought us to a point of sophistication beyond this.
The slippage can also be discerned in the essays on conceptual categories or on the methodologies of music study: "Atonalitaet," fine as it is on the Second Viennese School, offers nothing on atonal jazz; neither "Analyse" nor "Auffuehrungspraxis" depart from Western constructs to consider the not inconsequential ethnomusiological literature on these topics (17); and "Begraebnismusik" could surely have provided fertile ground for comparative discussion (of, say, music integral to bereavement ritual in several cultural contexts)--and had it done so, would have become a more substantial entry. On the surface, perhaps, Finscher can be taken at his word when he claims not to have repeated the Eurocentrism of the old MGG (18). But if the new MGG is to prod and inspire and exert a formative influence on the field in the manner of its predecessor, one suspects it will have to move beyond mere inclusiveness by alphabetic sequence toward greater subject integration.
But then integration is one of the objectives of synthesis, and both are desirable if we are not to become entrapped by our specializations. Even within our sub- and interdisciplines many experience what Clifford Geertz has plaintively described as the "radical variousness of the way we think now (19)." Possibly the directed effort to provide synthesis and summation--of which MGG is a conspicuous example and not, one hopes, solely a response to some craving for voluminous academic reference books--expresses a widely held faith in the communicative energy latent in the vocabulary and rhetoric of generalization, though the dialects of professional discourse be many. In that case, volume 1 of the new MGG both provides a standard of intelligibility to look to and also suggests what must yet be transcended. It remains to be seen whether the twenty volumes will themselves appear in a way that transcends the fixity of print; should that happen, we shall be closer than ever to Blume's ideal of an encyclopedia existing
in potentia.
(1) "Vorwort," volume 1 of the "old" Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart: Allgemeine Enzyklopaedie der Musik (Kassel: Baerenreiter, 1949-51), p. vii. Ludwig Finscher refers to this monument as "die alte MGG" in his foreword to the new edition (Kassel: Baerenreiter; Stuttgart: Meltzler, 1994- ), and I shall follow that lead hereinafter. The twenty volumes of the new MGG are scheduled to appear in two parts: a "Sachteil" in eight volumes, followed by a "Personenteil" in twelve. Volume1 of the new MGG covers subject entries A-Bog.
(2) In his "Postlude," accessible in English in Notes 24 (1967-68): 217-44, here at 244.
(3) Blume, "Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart: The Preface to the Supplement," Notes 26 (1969-70): 5-8; C.W. Fox, [review of Lieferungen 1-2], Notes 7 (1949-50): 466-67; P.H. Lang, "Die Musik in Geschichte und Gegenwart: Epilogue," Notes 36 (1979-80): 271-81.
(4) The editor's "Postlude" and "Preface to the Supplement" (notes 2-3) both contain references to changes of direction and the resulting asymmetries.
(5) It is an important point, to which I shall return presently: "Die MGG hat aber auch inhaltlich nicht nur den Forschungsstand in allen Bereichen des Faches zusammengefasst, sondern die Forschung weitergetrieben--allen durch ihren enzyklopaedischen Anspruch, den Zwang, ein umfassendes Bild der Musik "in Geschichte und Gegenwart" zu entwerfen, Luecken in diesem Bild aufzufinden und zu schliessen, vernachlaessigte Fragen neu zu stellan, neue, aus der systematischen Absicht des Ganzen sich ergebende Fragen zu verfolgen." [But as regards content, the MGG has not only summarized the state of research in all areas of the discipline, but in fact has acted as a goad to research--through its claim to encyclopedic breadth, its aim to limn a comprehensive picture of music "in the past and in the present," to seek out and fill lacunae in this picture, to formulate neglected questions anew, to follow up new questions arising from the systematic purposefulness of the whole.] "Vorwort," new MGG, pp. vii-viii.
(6) The Concise Oxford History of Music (London: Oxford University Press).
(7) It strikes me as relevent in this context that Grout-Palisca retains a high profile in its fourth edition (Donald Grout and Claude Palisca, A History of Western Music [New York: Norton, 1988] and Woerner likewise in its eighth (Karl Woerner, Geschichte der Musik [Goettingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1993]).
(8) Hans Heinrich Eggebrecht, Musik im Abendland: Prozesse und Stationen vom Mittelalter bis zur Gegenwart (Munich: Piper, 1991).
(9) At the time of this writing, Solomon's Mozart: A Life (New York: HarperCollins, 1995) has just been described (by Edward Said, in The New Yorker [13 March 1995]: 99) as "a compelling--indeed often harrowing--synthesis."
(10) "Vorwort," New MGG, pp. vii, ix.
(11) The New Grove Dictionary of Music and Musicians, ed. Stanley Sadie (London: Macmillan, 1980) contains no entry for "Music." Volume 1 of the new MGG tantalizes with a directional reference from "ars musica" to "Musicke-Musica-Musik."
(12) I should perhaps state emphatically that my impressions here recorded cannot, proleptically, constitute a review of the new MGG. Far too many questions remain unanswerable at this stage to do more than take courteous notice of a momentous project. Serial publication of the old MGG worked against the kind of reception history reviews provide, and it may prove interesting to see whether that problem will resurface for the new MGG, for--in keeping with my theme thus far--it is often in the review literature that scholarly synthesis occurs.
(13) It may not bode well for volumes so likely to be used heavily that the paperboard covers of my copy were disfigured in shipment. Alarming, too, are confirmed reports that volume 2, which I have not seen, has been printed on acidic paper.
(14) If there is an ideological rationale for this, I have failed to grasp its significance: it is not clear to me why two alphabetical sequences are better than one. But since the opportunity exists, I would like to be able to recommend that libraries and individuals with limited resources might consider subscribing to the subject volumes only, especially in light of the traditional strengths of German music scholarship. This may in fact be a good strategy for some, but little reflection is required to realize that the potential for self-reference within the encyclopedia is great: presumably readers of "Konzert" will be sent to Vivaldi. Also I should point out that institutional histories are not found among the "Sachteil" entries, so that investigators of music publishing will look for the firm Artaria in the "Personen" volumes. (It is not yet possible to comment on whether the sound-recording and electronic publishing industries will be similarly represented.)
(15) Though I am confused about the choice of towns and cities (Altdorf amd Ansbach have individual entries; Athens, Baghdad, and Bogota do not).
(16) The exception thus far is "Aegypten," shared by Ellen Hickmann and Salwa El-Shawan Castelo-Branco, surely one of the jewels of volume 1.
(17) On the subject of analysis, see section IV of Ann Briegleb Schuursma's Ethnomusicology Research: A Select Annotated Bibliography (New York: Garland, 1992), for citations that are historically important if not fully representative of current thinking. Performance practice has, of course, long attracted theoretical discussion in the fields of folkore and communications as well as ethnomusicology (oral narrative performance alone qualifies as a discrete area of study, one whose implications for music have been argued in many contexts; see, for example, Folklore, Cultural Performances, and Popular Entertainments: A Communications-Centered Handbook, ed. Richard Bauman (New York: Oxford University Press, 1992).
(18) "Vorwort," new MGG, p. ix. I shall sidestep the question whether a European encyclopedia can be anything but Eurocentric, by definition.
(19) "The Way We Think Now: Toward an Ethnography of Modern Thought," in his Local Knowledge (New York: Basic Books, 1983), 161. I do not come by this reference honestly: the citation is found in Richard Lanham's "Strange Lands, Strange Languages, and Useful Miracles," an essay that I much admire, found in his The Electronic Word: Democracy, Technology, and the Arts (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), 139.
(Reprinted, slightly altered, from Notes 52 [1995-96], 39-44; by permission.)
UA Music Library Reading Room Notes No. 2 (1999-2000)
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